New Florida Map Adopted

Click the map above or here to see an interactive version: Florida redistricting map.

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, May 5, 2026

Redistricting

The proposed 2026 Florida congressional map is now law with passage in both the state House of Representatives and Senate along with Gov. Ron DeSantis’ (R) signature, but legal challenges are on the horizon.

Democrats are expected to challenge the newly enacted map in court, focusing not on racial gerrymandering but on certain partisan provision language contained in the voter‑approved redistricting criteria. Although the initiative language includes a ban on overt partisan gerrymandering, the Callais v. Louisiana decision also addressed technical issues that relate to Florida’s initiative, and this could complicate or even undermine the Democrats’ anticipated lawsuit.

Assuming the state Supreme Court upholds the new map – a majority of the justices are DeSantis appointments – the early statistical analysis points to a 24R – 4D partisan split. Such would provide Republicans four more seats compared with their current Sunshine State standing.

Yesterday, several members announced where they intend to run, and the new map creates significant challenges for multiple incumbents. The statisticians at The Down Ballot political blog have released preliminary partisan estimates based on the two most recent presidential elections.

The four Democrats facing unfavorable new districts are: Reps. Darren Soto (D-Kissimmee), Kathy Castor (D-Tampa), Jared Moskowitz (D-Parkland), and Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-Weston). Reps. Maxwell Frost (D-Orlando), Lois Frankel (D-Ft. Lauderdale), and Frederica Wilson (D-Miami Gardens) would receive safe Democratic seats. The vacant 20th District from which former Democratic Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick recently resigned would also remain strongly Democratic.

Two of the members, Reps. Soto and Castor, announced yesterday that they will run in their newly assigned districts. Rep. Soto previously held a reliably Democratic 9th District, where Kamala Harris defeated President Biden 51.2 to 47.7 percent. President Biden ran even stronger here in 2020, carrying the district 58.2 to 40.8 percent. Under the new plan, however, the 9th District shifts sharply to the right: Donald Trump would have defeated Harris 58.2 to 40.5 percent.

Rep. Castor’s 14th District was even more strongly Democratic than Rep. Soto’s previous CD. In 2024, Kamala Harris carried the 14th CD 55.3 to 45.6 percent. Four years earlier, the Democratic margin was 59.0 to 39.8 percent. Under the new DeSantis plan, the 14th District — still anchored in Tampa but containing less of the city — would have shifted to the right, with Trump winning 54.5 to 44.0 percent.

Making early comments about where she might run, Rep. Frankel remained uncommitted about seeking re-election in the new 23rd CD that contains part of Ft. Lauderdale and the Democratic stronghold of West Palm Beach.

Rep. Moskowitz indicated that he will likely run in the new 25th District, an Atlantic coastal seat where he already represents roughly half of the constituency. The updated partisan numbers, however, show that President Trump would have carried the new 25th with a 54.0 to 44.8 percent margin.

The Democrat in the most difficult position is Rep. Wasserman Schultz. Unless she chooses to challenge another Democrat in a paired‑incumbent race, she would likely run in the new 22nd District, which begins in the Fort Lauderdale area and stretches west across the peninsula to the Gulf of America. Based on Donald Trump’s would‑be performance, the partisan split in this district is calculated at 54.6 to 44.1 percent.

Several Republicans would also find themselves in new political circumstances. Rep. Gus Bilirakis (R‑Clearwater) would still hold a strongly Republican district, but its Trump performance of 56.9 to 41.6 percent is noticeably weaker than that of his previous 12th District. The major change is drawing the 12th into Tampa to absorb some Democratic voters that Rep. Castor previously represented.

In the Tampa area, Rep. Laurel Lee (R‑Tampa) would receive a much more Republican‑leaning district, but her new territory north of Tampa could leave her vulnerable in a GOP primary. Hernando County Commissioner Steve Champion has already announced that he will challenge her.

In the Daytona area, Rep. Cory Mills (R‑New Smyrna Beach), who is facing multiple sexual‑harassment accusations, would see his 7th District remain almost entirely unchanged. His biggest obstacle to re‑election is likely to come from the Republican primary.

The new Florida map will play a major role in determining which party ultimately controls the House in the upcoming midterm elections. Attention will soon shift to the state Supreme Court and its forthcoming decision on what is expected to be a highly technical legal challenge.

Redistricting Disarray: Alabama Yes, Georgia No, Louisiana Back to Jungle

By Jim Ellis — Monday, May 4, 2026

Redistricting

The Supreme Court ruling on the Callais v. Louisiana racial gerrymandering case has thrown the House election cycle into disarray. As a result of the high court’s decision, redistricting options are again being contemplated in several states.

Alabama Gov. Kay Ivey (R), despite previously stating she opposed redistricting ahead of the 2026 elections, issued a proclamation on Friday calling the legislature into special session later today to redraw the state’s congressional and state Senate maps.

Alabama is in exactly the same situation now as Louisiana. Under court orders, both states were required to redraw their 2021 congressional maps to add a majority minority district. Following last week’s Supreme Court Callais ruling, those revised maps are now invalid.

It is probable that the Alabama legislature will revert to a map like the one enacted in 2021. Such a plan would collapse Rep. Shomari Figures’ (D‑Montgomery) current District 2 and shift the seat back to southeast Alabama. That change would likely return the state’s congressional delegation to a 6R–1D alignment, rather than the current 5R–2D split.

The principal beneficiary of such a map would be former Congressman Jerry Carl (R), who lost his seat in a 2024 paired‑incumbent primary. He is currently running in the reconfigured 1st District now that incumbent Rep. Barry Moore (R) is seeking a Senate seat. Carl, however, trails state Rep. Rhett Marques (R‑Enterprise) in a recently released poll.

A new map would likely restore Mobile County as the population anchor of District 1 and shift District 2 back to southeast Alabama. Such a draw would allow both Carl and Marques to run in separate districts. While each would still face primary competition under a new configuration, they would no longer be forced to run against one another.

The Alabama primary is scheduled for May 19, which means the legislature will have to act quickly. The most likely scenario is that the regular primary proceeds as planned for all offices except the US House of Representatives and state Senate. Once new maps are enacted, a separate filing period and new primary dates for those offices would be set for later in the year.

Georgia is another state that could potentially redraw its congressional map, but with candidate filing already closed and the May 19 primary fast approaching, Gov. Brian Kemp (R) is taking the opposite position of Gov. Ivey. Kemp said he does not support redistricting for 2026, though indicated he would be open to considering a new map for the 2028 election cycle.

In Louisiana, state Senate President Cameron Henry (R‑Metairie) said Friday that the 2026 election scheduling decision will likely return the state’s US House races to the jungle primary format that has been in place since the late 1970s.

Gov. Jeff Landry (R) has already suspended the May 16 primary for US House campaigns in response to the Supreme Court ruling. The other affected contests, most notably the US Senate race, will continue to proceed under the May 16 partisan primary schedule.

With other offices still operating under the jungle primary system, which runs concurrently with the November general election and employs December runoffs when no candidate wins a majority, it is likely the Governor will simply return the US House races to this previous format and election calendar. Such would be the least expensive way for the state to conduct elections under a revised schedule.

Once the Virginia state Supreme Court renders a decision upholding the April 21 redistricting referendum, and the new Florida plan wins approval from its state Supreme Court after a lawsuit is formally filed, along with Alabama and Louisiana overcoming the legal objections to moving their primaries, the national redistricting landscape will finally come into clear focus.

Assuming all of these courts rule as suggested, we can reasonably predict that the new California and Texas maps would offset one another in terms of partisan gains, as would the changes in Virginia and Florida. Republicans would probably gain one seat each in Alabama, Louisiana, Missouri, and North Carolina, with the potential for one or two additional seats in Ohio. Democrats would gain one seat in Utah under that state’s new court‑ordered map.

Therefore, if the national redistricting picture ultimately unfolds as outlined above, the 2026 changes would likely result in Republicans achieving a net gain of four to five seats nationwide.

Louisiana Suspends House Primaries

Louisiana Governor suspends US House elections (view interactive 2024 Louisiana Congressional Districts map on Dave’s Redistricting App).

By Jim Ellis — Friday, May 1, 2026

House

A day after the US Supreme Court ruled Louisiana’s congressional map an unconstitutional gerrymander, Gov. Jeff Landry (R) issued an executive order affecting the state’s May 16 primary election.

With early voting set to begin tomorrow and the state’s congressional map declared illegal by the nation’s highest court on Wednesday, Gov. Landry moved quickly to suspend the House primaries. He said the nomination election will remain in abeyance to give legislators time to redraw and approve a new congressional map and identified July 15 as the target date for rescheduling the House contests.

All other races, including the US Senate primaries in both parties, will proceed as planned on May 16.

Democrats, and even some Republicans, criticized the decision, arguing that early voting ballots have already been distributed and that postponing only the US House primaries would create confusion and likely depress turnout.

One of the Republican critics, Sen. Bill Cassidy, who faces a difficult renomination fight under the new partisan primary system, warned that running two different nomination schedules will mislead voters. For that reason, he opposes allowing the Senate primary to proceed on May 16.

What is likely a more salient reason for Sen. Cassidy’s push to postpone the primary is a new Emerson College poll released yesterday. The survey (April 24–26; 500 likely Republican primary voters; multiple sampling techniques) shows Sen. Cassidy trailing both former state Treasurer John Fleming and Rep. Julia Letlow (R‑Start), whom President Trump has already endorsed.

The ballot test produced a 28-27-21 percent split, with Fleming narrowly leading Rep. Letlow, and Sen. Cassidy following. Clearly, the race is headed toward a runoff, and it is not even certain that Sen. Cassidy will qualify for the second round.

At the end of 2024, the Louisiana legislature and the Governor overhauled the state’s preliminary election system. The new law created a partisan primary in May of the election year, followed by a June runoff in any race where no candidate secures a majority. Once nominees are chosen, they advance to a November general election, as in all other states.

Previously, Louisiana used a jungle primary system in which all candidates, regardless of party, appeared on the same ballot. Any candidate who received more than 50 percent of the vote in the first round was elected outright. If no one reaches a majority, the top two finishers, again, regardless of party affiliation, advance to the general election.

In past years, Louisiana held its initial election concurrently with the national general election. If a runoff was required, the top candidates would meet again in an early December second round. For the state legislature and many statewide offices, including the governorship, that system remains in place. The new partisan primary structure applies only to federal offices and certain designated state positions.

The act of drawing a new congressional map will almost certainly guarantee Republicans at least one additional seat in the current 4R–2D Louisiana delegation. Some observers, most notably reporters at the liberal political blog The Down Ballot, have speculated that Republican legislators might even attempt to convert both Democratic seats. Whether such an effort will materialize remains uncertain.

In addition to Louisiana, other states may also undertake redistricting ahead of the 2026 election. Reports indicate that President Trump has urged Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee (R) to eliminate the state’s lone Democratic‑held district; Georgia is also viewed as a potential candidate for a 2026 redraw.

Other states could be in the mix, as well. If such efforts move forward, they will almost certainly unfold on a very compressed timeline.

SCOTUS Decides Louisiana Case;
Florida Rep. Webster to Retire

2024 Louisiana Congressional Districts map (view interactive version on Dave’s Redistricting App)

By Jim Ellis — Thursday, April 30, 2026

Louisiana

The US Supreme Court, months after initially hearing the Louisiana racial gerrymandering case, released its ruling yesterday.

In authoring the Court’s opinion, Associate Justice Samuel Alito outlined the reasons the justices upheld the three‑judge panel’s ruling in Callais v. Louisiana, which found that the congressional map used before the 2024 election constituted a racial gerrymander.

The ruling is viewed as favorable to Republicans and will almost certainly require Louisiana’s congressional map to be redrawn before the 2026 statewide primary on May 16. It is possible that the legislature could simply revert to the 2021 map that was in place for the 2022 election.

Activists in several states are already urging their legislators to redraw congressional maps. Such is the case in Georgia, Mississippi (for their state Supreme Court districts), and potentially South Carolina. The Florida legislature is now likely to pass the map that Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) produced, which was drawn in anticipation of a favorable Republican Louisiana ruling.

In the Callais decision, Justice Alito outlined the parameters of the Voting Rights Act. He wrote, “Because the Voting Rights Act did not require Louisiana to create an additional majority-minority district, no compelling interest justified the State’s use of race in creating SB8, and that map is an unconstitutional racial gerrymander.”

He further explained when race can be used as a factor in drawing legislative district boundaries. From later in the ruling, Justice Alito stated, “The Court’s precedents have identified “only two compelling interests” that can satisfy strict scrutiny: avoiding imminent and serious risks to human safety in prisons,” and “remediating specific, identified instances of past discrimination that violated the Constitution or a statute.”

Further explaining, the Justice wrote, “Properly understood, §2 thus does not intrude on States’ prerogative to draw districts based on nonracial factors, including to achieve partisan advantage. In short, §2 imposes liability only when the evidence supports a strong inference that the State intentionally drew its districts to afford minority voters less opportunity because of their race. Not only does this interpretation follow from the plain text of §2, but it is consistent with the limited authority that the Fifteenth Amendment confers.”

It remains to be seen which states besides Louisiana will redraw their maps before the 2026 election. Alabama, where officials were also required to add another minority district ahead of the 2024 election, is one possibility. With primary elections already underway in many states, most significant redistricting activity is likely to shift to the 2028 election cycle.

FL-11

Although he would have continued to represent a safely Republican district under Gov. Ron DeSantis’ proposed congressional map, eight-term US Rep. Dan Webster (R-Clermont) announced just after celebrating his 77th birthday that he will not seek re-election later this year.

Rep. Webster had been viewed as a potential retirement candidate throughout this election cycle. Under the DeSantis map, his central Florida 11th District is rated as safely Republican. In the proposed FL‑11, President Trump would have recorded a 57.2 to 41.5 percent victory margin over Kamala Harris.

Dan Webster was first elected to the Florida House of Representatives in 1980 and later became the chamber’s first Republican Speaker since Reconstruction. He was elected to the state Senate in 1998, where he went on to serve as Majority Leader.

The number of open House seats has now grown to 64. Thirty-eight of these seats are currently Republican held with 21 from the Democratic column. Five additional open districts have been created as a result of redistricting maps in California, Texas, and Utah.

Of the 64 seats in the open category, only 28 involve members retiring from elective office. This group includes two lawmakers who were paired in a new redistricting map with another incumbent of his own party, Reps. Lloyd Doggett (D-TX) and Burgess Owens (R-UT).

Twenty-seven Representatives are running for a different office, three have resigned their seats, two districts are open due to the incumbent’s death, and one has already been defeated in his primary election.

Once the Florida redistricting process is resolved, a crowded Republican field is expected to emerge for the now‑open 11th District. The Sunshine State candidate‑filing deadline for US House races is June 12, and the state’s primary is scheduled for Aug. 18.

Redistricting News

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, April 29, 2026

Redistricting

As the election cycle progresses and a new round of candidate filing deadlines are fast approaching, redistricting action is coming quickly.

Yesterday, the Virginia Supreme Court heard arguments on the Democratic Party’s motion to lift the lower court’s stay that had invalidated the new map. The original ruling, issued before the statewide referendum election, stemmed from the judge’s finding that the legislature violated its own rules by rushing the measure onto the ballot.

After the circuit judge’s ruling, the Democrats appealed to the state Supreme Court. The justices have not yet heard the appeal but allowed the referendum to proceed. On April 21, voters approved the new congressional map by a narrower than expected 51.7 to 48.3 percent margin. With the candidate‑filing deadline approaching on May 26, the Democratic Party moved to ensure that the 2026 elections can proceed under the newly adopted map.

In a rather surprising ruling, the state Supreme Court yesterday denied the motion. As a result, the 2021 congressional map remains in effect until the justices hear the Democratic Party’s appeal of the lower court ruling and issue a final decision.

More details are emerging about the newly proposed Florida congressional map, which is expected to come before the state House of Representatives this week. If approved, the plan would then advance to the state Senate.

The new plan is being characterized as one that would deliver 24 of Florida’s 28 congressional districts to Republicans.

Researchers at the University of Virginia’s Center for Politics have conducted a preliminary review of the proposed districts and suggest that several of the new seats may be more competitive than Republicans are indicating.

The Center’s report specifically identifies new Districts 14 (Rep. Kathy Castor-D; Tampa), 22 (likely a new open seat), and 25 (also likely an open seat) as competitive contests that could present opportunities for Democratic holds.

While the weakest of these districts is the new 25th, which would have given President Trump a 54-45 percent victory in 2024, the Center compares the totals to the 2020 election when President Trump faced Joe Biden. In that scenario, the Center’s analysis shows new District 14 narrowing to a two‑point Trump advantage, while Biden would have carried District 22 by 2.9 points and District 25 by a wider 5.1‑point margin.

While competitive races in these districts are certainly possible, particularly in the 14th, which features a long‑serving incumbent (Rep. Castor was first elected in 2006), the two presidential elections are not equally comparable in terms of political significance.

Florida has undergone drastic political change since 2020, largely to the benefit of Republicans. In 2020, Democrats held a 36.5 to 35.8 percent advantage in party registration, amounting to just under 100,000 more registered Democrats than Republicans.

Today, Republicans hold a 41.3 to 35.8 percent advantage, giving the party a registration lead of roughly 1.5 million voters. Measured as a percentage shift over the past five years, this represents a net Republican gain of nearly 12 points.

In 2020, President Trump carried Florida with just a 51.2 – 47.9 percent victory margin. In 2024, his margin increased to 56.1 to 43.0 percent. When these statewide shifts are considered alongside the substantial changes in voter registration and the per‑district analysis, the 2024 projections are likely a more accurate reflection of the current electorate than the numbers derived from the 2020 results.

Expect additional redistricting developments soon, particularly the US Supreme Court’s decision in Callais v. Louisiana, which many observers anticipate will be a significant ruling on racial gerrymandering.

Texas Redistricting Ruling; Fla. Gov. DeSantis Releases Redistricting Map

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, April 28, 2026

Texas Redistricting

In a move that could signal how it may approach the Louisiana racial gerrymandering dispute, the US Supreme Court yesterday took a very unusual step regarding the Texas redistricting appeal.

A majority of the justices voted to issue a reverse summary judgment in the challenge to Texas’s new congressional map. The move effectively overturned the lower court’s ruling without requiring additional briefing or oral argument.

Yesterday’s court action is exceedingly rare, and its use adds weight to predictions that the forthcoming Louisiana decision could become a defining ruling on racial gerrymandering. The Court is scheduled to release additional opinions tomorrow, and it remains unclear whether Callais v. Louisiana will finally be among the cases issued this week.

For more detailed information, visit the Florida Senate redistricting map.

Florida Redistricting

Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) yesterday released a new congressional map that he is urging the legislature to approve during the special session scheduled to begin today.

The Governor issued a statement saying that redistricting is necessary because “Florida got shortchanged in the 2020 Census, and we’ve been fighting for fair representation ever since. Our population has since grown dramatically, and we have moved from a Democrat majority to a 1.5 million [person] Republican advantage. Drawing maps based on race, which is reflected in our current congressional districts, is unconstitutional and should be prohibited.”

Widely viewed as a response to the 10D–1R Virginia map approved by voters last week, the Governor unveiled a Florida proposal that would likely shift the delegation from a 20-8 Republican advantage to a 24-4 advantage.

The current Florida map features 20 Republicans and 8 Democrats. It appears that at least three current Democratic House members — Reps. Kathy Castor (D-Tampa), Darren Soto (D-Kissimmee), and Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-Weston) — would likely face significantly more difficult paths for re-election and enter the general election as underdogs.

In a new 23rd District lying in the Ft. Lauderdale area, it is probable that Reps. Jared Moskowitz (D-Parkland) and Lois Frankel (D-West Palm Beach) would be paired in a Democratic primary, with the winner favored to hold the seat in the general election.

The sitting Democrats who would have a district on the new map are: Reps. Maxwell Frost (D-Orlando), Frederica Wilson (D-Miami Gardens) and the open 20th District.

In the latter seat, former Congresswoman Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Miramar), who resigned from the House while facing federal indictments in addition to violating 25 House ethics provisions, would see an open Democratic seat in her area. Although she has stepped down from Congress, Cherfilus‑ McCormick has not closed her campaign account and indicated that she intends to run for the new seat.

The new 20th District is one she would likely have been able to hold were it not for her legal troubles. Six other Democrats had already entered the race, and the new configuration suggests that all of them will remain in the contest. Although she is running again, Cherfilus‑McCormick’s prospects for returning to Congress appear slim at best.

The South Florida portion of the map appears to create two new open Republican seats: one coastal district (FL‑25) between Fort Lauderdale and Miami, and another to the west (FL‑22) that stretches across the peninsula to the Gulf Coast.

Political data for the proposed districts has not yet been released or analyzed, so decisions about where certain members ultimately run could shift as more information becomes available. For example, because many of the South Florida districts are expected to lean only slightly Republican, Reps. Wasserman Schultz and Moskowitz may have multiple potential districts to consider if they choose to remain in Congress, though none would offer a particularly favorable political landscape.

There are still many unanswered questions surrounding the proposed Florida map, but the DeSantis plan is currently the most fully developed option on the Republican side. It remains to be seen if the Governor can capture majority support in each legislative chamber. If he does, the plan would significantly strengthen Republican prospects for retaining their narrow US House majority in the 2026 election.

CA-48: Competitive Without Issa

By Jim Ellis — Monday, April 27, 2026

House

San Diego County Supervisor Jim Desmond (R)

Texas and California have attracted the most attention when it comes to 2026 mid-decade redistricting, and a newly released poll highlights one of the seats that Democrats had marked as a major California target.

Survey USA has published fresh data for California’s new 48th CD anchored in San Diego County. This is one of the Republican‑held seats that Democrats substantially re-drew during the state’s redistricting process.

Incumbent GOP Rep. Darrell Issa (R-San Diego) is not seeking re-election. After the Congressman announced his retirement plans, San Diego County Supervisor Jim Desmond (R) shifted his campaign from challenging Rep. Mike Levin (D-San Juan Capistrano) in District 49 to running for the open 48th.

The switch was strategically logical: the 48th leans more Republican than the 49th, Desmond avoids facing a four‑term incumbent, and the district includes a much larger portion of his current supervisorial constituency.

Dave’s Redistricting App rates the new 48th at 50.6D – 48.7R, a notable shift from the previous version’s 58.3R – 39.8D. Even so, the new draw remains competitive for a Republican candidate.

The latest S-USA survey signals that this seat may be more difficult for Democrats to flip the map drawers originally professed. The poll (April 14-19; 500 likely CA-48 jungle primary voters; live interview & text) shows Desmond leading with 25 percent, followed by another Republican, businessman Kevin O’Neill, at 13 percent. The fact that this study raises the possibility that two Republicans could qualify for the general election is a significant development.

Under California’s top‑two “jungle primary” system, all candidates appear on a single ballot, and the first and second place finishers regardless of party and percentage attained move on to the November general election. With nine Democrats, two Republicans, and one No Party Preference candidate in the race, the Democratic vote could split widely enough for Desmond and O’Neill to finish first and second, thus effectively shutting the Democrats out of the general election.

The leading Democrat, frequent candidate Ammar Campo-Najjar, posts 12 percent support in the Survey USA poll. When combining all candidates by party, Republicans collectively draw 38 percent in the ballot test and Democrats 37 percent. Based on these early numbers, the 48th District appears to be a genuine toss‑up and a contest likely to attract national attention as the cycle progresses.

Republicans would likely be somewhat stronger if Rep. Issa sought re-election, though the advantage would be limited. The new 48th District includes areas the Congressman does not currently represent, particularly a significant portion of Riverside County.

Supervisor Desmond’s district includes the northern portion of San Diego County that falls within the new 48th, including key population centers such as part of the city of Escondido and the San Marcos municipality. The latter entity, in particular, is where Desmond’s presence as the leading GOP candidate provides an advantage. While the current 48th does not include San Marcos – a city of nearly 100,000 residents – the new 48th does, and Supervisor Desmond already represents that community.

The 48th’s Riverside County portion, where none of the candidates from either party hold elected office, is more Democratic-leaning, due in part to the inclusion of the Palm Springs area and several desert communities.

The new California map has been framed as one that could deliver five additional seats to Democrats. However, with Rep. David Valadao’s (R-Hanford) 22nd District actually becoming several points more Republican than the current configuration where he has twice won, and the GOP maintaining at least a competitive chance in District 48 with Desmond, the net gain could conceivably be closer to three seats rather than five.

The Unmentioned

By Jim Ellis — Friday, April 24, 2026

Senate

In every election cycle, a previously overlooked Senate race surprises the political world by becoming highly competitive. In 2024, such a campaign occurred in Nebraska where Independent Dan Osborn became a major challenger to Sen. Deb Fischer (R).

While the Osborn campaign fizzled in the end and Sen. Fischer was re-elected with a six-point margin, the Independent, with Democratic Party support, managed to turn a race that appeared unopposed into a top challenger effort.

Right now, it appears there are three under-the-radar Senate races that could develop, two of which are in the primary cycle.

In Massachusetts, six-term Rep. Seth Moulton (D-Salem) is challenging Sen. Ed Markey (D) in the state’s Sept. 1 Democratic primary. While originally thought that Rep. Moulton was making a strange move — considering Sen. Markey had in 2020 defeated a member of the Kennedy family (then-Rep. Joseph P. Kennedy, III) in the latter’s home state, within their own party, and posted a full 10 percentage point margin — another primary challenge seemed a fool’s errand.

Yet, new polling and fundraising data suggests that the Congressman may become a serious challenger. He is one of more than a dozen Democratic younger office holders or activists challenging an elderly incumbent (Sen. Markey will be 80 years old at the time of the election), and willing to make age a campaign issue.

According to the new Federal Election Commission reports, Rep. Moulton surprisingly outraised the incumbent, $1.051 million to $811,000 during Q1 2026. For the campaign, Moulton also leads Markey in cash-on-hand, $3.3 million to $2.5 million.

Polling, while still favoring the incumbent, suggests the race could close. According to the recently released Suffolk University poll (April 9-13; 500 likely Massachusetts Democratic primary voters; live interview) Sen. Markey holds a 47-30 percent lead. While he clearly posts an advantage beyond the polling margin of error, producing a ballot test where an incumbent is under 50 percent within his own party certainly suggests underlying vulnerability.

The Massachusetts primary campaign still has a long cycle, but the early development suggests we will see some meaningful action.

If there is a developing Republican sleeper Senate race, it may be in Minnesota. The GOP has a media savvy candidate in former national sports broadcaster Michele Tafoya, who for more than a decade was the sideline reporter for NBC Sunday Night Football. Prior to joining NBC Sports, she was a game reporter for ESPN. Originally from Minnesota, Tafoya began her broadcasting career in the Land of 10,000 Lakes, so she has been a well-known figure in the state for decades.

After announcing her candidacy in late January, Tafoya has raised over $2 million for her Senate campaign. She is already the consensus Republican candidate and the two top Democrats, Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan and Rep. Angie Craig (D-Prior Lake), are likely headed for a contentious primary that won’t be decided until Aug. 11.

The Flanagan-Craig race is likely to reach a boiling point at the Democratic endorsing convention. Flanagan is favored to win the endorsement, and typically Minnesota candidates do not force a primary after the state party delegates choose their candidate. In this race, however, it is likely that we will see a Democratic primary no matter who wins the official party endorsement. Therefore, the hotly contested primary will allow Tafoya to prepare for the general election and pool her expanding money through the beginning of August.

Only one poll of potential general election pairings has been released and that came in February, soon after Tafoya’s formal announcement. Emerson College publicized their survey (Feb. 6-8; 1,000 likely Minnesota voters; multiple sampling techniques) and found Tafoya trailing Lt. Gov. Flanagan and Rep. Craig by seven and six points, respectively, with neither Democrat reaching 50 percent support.

With great unrest in the state considering the ICE controversy and the Minnesota federal grant fraud investigation that will become a top issue in November, and with Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D) running for Governor in what will be a quiet race since the Republicans have little chance, the seeds may be sown for a legitimate general election campaign despite the state’s reliable Democratic voting history.

Six years ago, South Carolina GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham faced a major challenge and saw approximately $145 million spent against him, but he still recorded a 10-percentage point general election victory.

This year, his fight is likely in the Republican primary where businessman Mark Lynch has already put more than $5 million of his own money into the campaign. It is unlikely that this race will develop, but Sen. Graham is taking Lynch seriously. He has already banked $11.6 million for the campaign and is actively advertising throughout the state.

Sen. Graham has issues on his political right, because he has never been a favorite of the MAGA base vote even though he has become an ardent President Trump supporter. Therefore, this is another stealth Senate contest that likely deserves attention in the closing weeks of the primary campaign.

Georgia Rep. Scott Passes Away;
Virginia Redistricting Overturned

By Jim Ellis — Thursday, April 23, 2026

GA-13

Georgia Congressman David Scott (D-Atlanta)

Veteran Georgia Congressman David Scott (D-Atlanta) passed away yesterday, making him the fifth House member to die during this Congress. Rep. Scott was first elected to the House from his Atlanta metro district in 2002. During his 24 years of service, he rose to chair the House Agriculture Committee.

The Congressman had faced health challenges for several years, and some observers speculated he might not seek re‑election in 2024. He ultimately did file for another term but passed away before Georgia’s May 19 primary. Because the deadline to remove candidates from the ballot has already passed, his name will remain in place.

Before his election to Congress, Scott served in both the Georgia House of Representatives and state Senate. In total, he held elective office for 52 consecutive years.

Despite Scott’s decision to run again, six Democrats qualified for the primary: state Sen. Emanuel Jones (D‑Decatur), state Rep. Jasmine Clark (D‑Lilburn), former Gwinnett County School Board chairman Everton Blair, dentist Heavenly Kimes, and two lesser‑known candidates.

Rep. Scott’s death now requires Gov. Brian Kemp (R) to schedule a special election to fill the remainder of the current term.

Assuming Georgia election law permits it based on required notice and providing adequate campaign time, the Governor would likely align the special election with the June 16 runoff elections. If no candidate secures a majority, the top two finishers would advance to a special runoff, which must occur within 28 days under state law. This process will determine who serves the final months of Scott’s term.

Rep. Scott’s passing comes one day after Florida Congresswoman Sheila Cherfilus‑McCormick (D‑Miramar) resigned following a federal indictment and House ethics violations. As a result, the number of open seats heading into the next election has risen to 63.

Of these 63 open seats, 37 are held by Republicans, 21 by Democrats, and five are newly created through redistricting in California, Texas, and Utah.

Among the departing members, 27 are running for other offices (Senate, Governor, or Attorney General), 27 are retiring from elective politics, five seats are open due to redistricting, three members have resigned, two have died — Reps. Scott and Doug LaMalfa (R‑CA) — and incumbent Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R‑TX) lost in the March primary. Two retiring members, Reps. Lloyd Doggett (D‑TX) and Burgess Owens (R‑UT), were paired in redrawn districts, so their departures do not create open seats.

The House now has five vacancies: two due to death (Reps. Scott and LaMalfa) and three to recent resignations (former Reps. Eric Swalwell (D‑CA), Tony Gonzales (R‑TX), and Ms. Cherfilus‑McCormick).

Virginia

A day after the people voted 51-49 percent to approve the new Virginia redistricting map, the same judge who initially invalidated the special referendum process, because he ruled that the legislature broke its own internal rules to shorten the process of posting the special statewide vote, issued a new opinion stating that how this particular referendum procedure was administered is unconstitutional.

The judge’s initial ruling is on appeal before the state Supreme Court which has still not issued a decision even though the justices allowed the vote to proceed. Attorney General Jay Jones (D) says he will also appeal the circuit court’s ruling pertaining to the constitutionality of the referendum’s administration.

It is difficult to see a majority Democratic state Supreme Court overturning a vote of the people that favored the Democrats. The fact that the high court allowed the referendum vote to take place is likely an indication that the election result will stand.

Virginia Redistricting: Yes Vote Wins; Mississippi’s Hyde-Smith’s Tight Race

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, April 22, 2026

Virginia

Old Dominion voters completed the redistricting referendum voting process yesterday and the “yes” position, as Democratic leaders advocated, scored a victory, but in a closer than expected 51.5 – 48.5 percent margin.

The outcome must be viewed as a Republican leadership strategic misplay. With Democrats dominating the airwaves and using a partisanship strategy, the early spending showed they had an 11:1 advantage.

Republicans countered to an extent, but their effort proved too little, too late. The closeness of the outcome suggests that a better GOP campaign might have delivered a close win.

The referendum result means the state’s congressional map is expected to shift dramatically from the current 6D–5R alignment to a projected 10D–1R configuration. The new map will take effect unless the Virginia Supreme Court, which allowed the referendum to proceed, upholds the lower court ruling that declared the legislature violated its own rules and state electoral procedure in placing the measure on the ballot. Now that the voters have spoken, it becomes even more unlikely that the high court will overturn the referendum that they allowed.

Therefore, we can expect to see Reps. Rob Wittman (R-Montross), Jen Kiggans (R-Virginia Beach), and John McGuire (R-Manakin-Sabot) all become general election underdogs.

The one remaining Republican seat is in southwestern Virginia. It is possible that Reps. Ben Cline (R-Botetourt) and Morgan Griffith (R-Salem) will be paired in a Republican primary. Rep. Cline could also choose to face a Democrat in an adjoining district where he would also be a general election underdog.

Earlier in the year as a result of placing the referendum on the ballot, the Virginia candidate filing deadline was moved to May 26 and the state primary to Aug. 4. Therefore, it remains to be seen what decisions the affected members make regarding where, or if, they will seek re-election.

Mississippi

A newly released April survey from Impact Research suggests that Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith (R) may be heading into a more competitive re-election environment than expected.

The survey, conducted for the Southern Poverty Law Center Action Fund (April 8-12; 500 likely Mississippi general election voters; live interview & text), sees Sen. Hyde-Smith leading Lowndes County District Attorney Scott Colom, who won the Democratic nomination in March, by a narrow 42-39 percent margin.

Perhaps the most concerning data point for the Senator is her favorability rating. While President Trump scores a personal favorability index of 55:43 within this polling universe, Sen. Hyde-Smith scores a poor 35:55, with a “very unfavorable” data point of 42. Gov. Tate Reeves (R) is also in negative territory with a 43:52 index, but his standing is obviously not as challenging as those reported for the Senator.

The result is surprising since the Senator fared well in the March Republican primary, scoring 81 percent of the GOP vote and obviously winning the nomination outright. In her two general election victories, one a special vote conducted after she was appointed to replace resigned Sen. Thad Cochran (R) in 2018, she averaged a 53.8 victory percentage.

For Democrats to put the Senate majority in play this cycle, they must broaden the competitive map. Should polling like this continue, national Democratic leaders and outside groups who support liberal candidates may begin directing significant resources toward Mississippi.

According to the Q1 Federal Election Commission campaign financial disclosure reports, Colom only has raised $1.6 million and held just under $560,000 in his campaign account, far under the dollar quantity he will need to run an effective statewide campaign.

Conversely, Sen. Hyde-Smith posted just over $5 million raised with a cash-on-hand figure of $2.46 million. Expect these financial numbers for both candidates to grow exponentially.

It is likely that a Republican-aligned poll will soon be released presenting more favorable numbers for Sen. Hyde-Smith. If such polling does not emerge, it may indicate that her internal data aligns with the Impact Research findings.

There is always an unexpected Senate race that comes to the forefront in the general election. We will soon see if Mississippi hosts the 2026 surprise campaign.